G-55 called a press conference yesterday on 07th May 2025, and declared unilaterally that they have come to a conclusion there was no place for them in Chadema. Therefore, they have already left the party without indicating where their next move is. Still, the social media platforms have speculated that G-55 will be heading to the UMMA party, infamous for having a manifesto that will fill our empty bellies with “ubwabwa” or cooked rice.
This article zooms in on why the split was unavoidable and how G-55 unwittingly terminated their political careers prematurely.
The departure of Team Mbowe Akas G-55 from CHADEMA, a major opposition party in Tanzania, can be attributed to several factors rooted in internal political dynamics. The G-55 faction within Tanzania’s opposition party, CHADEMA, publicly justified their departure from the party on May 7, 2025, citing a combination of ideological, strategic, and governance-related reasons. Below is a synthesis of their stated justifications:
- Opposition to the “No Reforms, No Election” Boycott Strategy.
The G-55 strongly criticized CHADEMA’s official stance of boycotting the October 2025 general elections, arguing that abstaining would irreversibly harm the party’s political relevance. They emphasized that elections are constitutionally mandated and that participation is critical to maintain CHADEMA’s presence in decision-making bodies.
By boycotting, the party would cede ground to the ruling CCM and lose opportunities to advocate for reforms from within. Critics accuse G-55 of undermining Chadema, reiterating CCM talking points while prioritizing personal interests ahead of long term interests.
Deep seated policy conflict lies on general election results of 2019, 2020 and 2025. The current leadership under Tundu Antipas Lissu is adamant Chadema’s participation in the 2025 election will clad CCM with an aura of illegal legitimacy. Tundu Lissu’s faction in Chadema seeks a permanent solution that will fix elections, and ensure empowerment of the voters in their “No election No reform.” clarion.
G-55 is also weighed down by their past performance in Chadema leadership, since almost all of its members composed of past Chadema leaders who were associated with the ousted Chadema chairperson Freeman Mbowe. Most of them earned their livelihoods under Mbowe’s favouritism. With Mbowe out of the power loop, they have found their straws cutoff, provoking their bitterness against the new leadership under Tundu Lissu.
G-55 have never condemned the politically motivated arrest and criminal charges against Tundu Lissu insinuating they were either neutral or cheerleaders of government efforts to neutralize Chadema before the elections.
G-55 have not even visited Tundu Lissu in prison signalling their intense spite and malice towards him. G-55 view Tundu Lissu as their political enemy number one because he has severed their straws in the Chadema’s once gravy train.
G-55 Key quote:
“If we don’t participate, who are we handing the country to? Boycotting hands victory to CCM without a fight“.
- Alleged Violations of Party Constitution and Internal Democracy.
The faction accused CHADEMA’s leadership under Tundu Lissu of sidelining internal dissent and violating the party’s constitution. They highlighted instances of disciplinary actions against members who opposed the boycott, such as the removal of Julius Mwita (Secretariat Secretary), and threats of expulsion for supporting G-55. They condemned the leadership’s “intolerance of criticism” and suppression of alternative viewpoints, framing it as a betrayal of democratic principles.
Strangely, under Mbowe’s leadership of whom most G-55 instrumental Chadema insiders who destroyed other careers because they fell grace with Mbowe. The list is laboriously long that include Zitto Zuberi Kabwe and his 6 compatriots, 7 Arusha councillors, 19 female MPs, among others.
- Strategic and Financial Concerns.
G-55 questioned the feasibility of CHADEMA’s militant approach, arguing that Lissu’s confrontational tactics (e.g., urging supporters to disrupt elections) risked alienating voters and provoking state repression. They also raised suspicions that the boycott masked deeper financial struggles, as CHADEMA reportedly lacked funds to mount a credible national campaign. Additionally, they criticized the lack of transparency in fundraising efforts like the “Tone Tone” campaign, which left members uncertain about how donations were being used.
G-55 were dishonest because they didn’t address the folly of participating in elections which were institutionally and structurally rigged. The assessment of “TONE TONE” fund-raising was premature. However, it bootstraps past suspicions when G-55 was in power used to bare the Chadema coffers.
- Marginalization of Members and Exclusionary Practices.
The group accused the leadership of creating a “culture of exclusion” post-Lissu’s election, particularly toward members advocating electoral participation. They cited instances where dissenting voices were labeled as “traitors” or “CCM collaborators,” undermining internal unity. G-55 emphasized that their goal was to “strengthen CHADEMA from within,” not to rebel, but they felt systematically sidelined.
The problem of this type of reasoning is a failure to acknowledge that “No election, No reform” was passed by all national Chadema organs during Mbowe’s stint of reign. Tundu Lissu is only implementing top party decisions. Change of party leadership is not a sufficient reason to annul party decisions for the purposes of permitting G-55 to seek parliamentary posts under the most popular banner of Chadema.
- Failure to Engage Constructively.
Despite submitting formal proposals (e.g., a memorandum to Secretary-General John Mnyika), G-55 claimed their concerns were ignored by the leadership. They criticized the party’s refusal to sign the electoral code of conduct, warning that this would later be used to justify exclusion from the polls.
Such agitations amount to leading a shadow leadership inside Chadema. The ousted leaders in G- 55 failed to discern their tike was up, and now Chadema has a new sheriff in town.
Moreover, G-55 unashamedly questioning the legitimacy of the elections of Secretary general, John Mnyika, whom theu declared would never recognise. One of their supporters even wrote to the Registrar of political parties seeking revocation declaratory reliefs of those appointments. Obviously, G-55 was plotting a backdoor comeback through the veneer of goodwill and grandstanding.
Summary of G-55’s Core Arguments:
Electoral Participation:
CHADEMA must contest elections to remain politically viable.
Internal Reforms:
Demand for democratic governance and accountability within the party.
Pragmatism Over Confrontation:
Advocacy for dialogue with the government instead of militant tactics.
Transparency:
Clear financial reporting and electoral preparation.
The G-55’s departure underscores deepening fractures within CHADEMA, driven by leadership disputes, strategic disagreements, and a perceived erosion of democratic values under Lissu’s tenure.
- Leadership Disputes:
Internal conflicts over leadership styles or decisions often lead to factions breaking away. If the group felt that CHADEMA’s leadership (e.g., under Tundu Lissu) was autocratic or ineffective, they might have left to pursue a more inclusive or assertive approach.
- Strategic and Ideological Differences:
Disagreements over political strategies, such as how to challenge the ruling CCM party, could have prompted a split. For instance, some members might advocate for more confrontational tactics, while others prefer negotiation or coalition-building (e.g., with parties like ACT-Wazalendo).
It is imperative to note under their tutelage, G-55 and Mbowe failed to reach a consensus with CCM over lopsided election laws. The question now is why do they expect to prosper now they have been discredited by top parry organs?
- Electoral Performance:
Poor election results can trigger internal blame games. Factions may leave if they believe the party’s current direction is harming its electoral prospects. However, in this particular circumstance, there is a general consensus Chadema could have won 2020, 2024 and 2025 general elections if they were free, fair and verifiable.
- Internal Democracy Concerns:
Accusations of lacking transparency or marginalizing dissent within CHADEMA might lead groups to exit, demanding greater accountability. Sadly, in this situation, personal interests have overshadowed and hijacked the real issues.
- Government Repression and Legal Pressures:
Tanzania’s restrictive political environment, including arrests of opposition figures (e.g., Mbowe’s 2021 and Lissu’s in 2025 arrests), can strain party unity. Splits may occur if factions disagree on how to respond to state repression.
- Coalition Dynamics:
Discontent with alliance strategies, such as partnerships with other opposition groups, might drive factions to seek alternative paths. G-55 have not raised complaints against association with other political parties.
Official Reasons:
While the exact rationale for Team Mbowe Akas G-55’s exit is self-serving, such groups typically cite issues like “failure to uphold democratic values,” “leadership mismanagement,” or “strategic misalignment” in their public statements to cover their tracks. They may also emphasize a need for renewed opposition unity or a more effective agenda to cement their posturing.
In summary, the split likely reflects broader tensions within Tanzanian opposition politics, where internal strife, leadership challenges, and strategic disagreements frequently lead to realignments. However, others see CCM hidden hand-prodding the dissenters to widen the differences within Chadema with promises of loftier job prospects within the government ranks after the elections. CCM discredited NCCR MAGEUZI before the 1995 elections and similar tactics against Chadema in 2025 are too conspicuous to ignore.
Will Freeman Mbowe join his sidekicks in G-55 and dump Chadema?
Mbowe is a lifetime member of the Chadema central committee and is unlikely to join G-55 in the political wilderness. His credibility, which has been dimmed, needs a lot of refurbishment and repackaging. While leaving Chadema will prove beyond reasonable doubt he is Mr. Moneybags. Social media platforms have been suggesting that G-55 was heading to Chama cha UMMA, whose main political anthem is to fill our stomachs with cooked rice.
It is a fringe political party affiliated with CCM and essentially survives through a parasitic association with CCM. UMMA, like many small political parties, lives by echoing CCM’s aspirations of reigning Tanzania forever. They have no allusions to winning power but aiding CCM perpetually overstaying in power. Heading there is the best way to write their own political obituaries. The best option for G-55 was to join Act Wazalendo, but bad blood with its founder, Zitto Kabwe, following his Chadema ouster may unearth buried skeletons. Will Kabwe let bygones be bygones? Time will tell.
CCM may bribe a few G-55 parliamentary seats to showcase that Tanzania’s democracy was not dead and buried, as Chadema is claiming. They did it in 2020, and they are most likely to do the same without disturbing CCM’s ironclad majority in the Parliament. The opposition may be rewarded about ten or so3 parliamentary seats for taking part in the election sham. For the rest of the parliamentary seats, CCM will reward its own senior members. Another opportunity in the next five years to binge the national cake on our behalf!
There is no other reason for massively rigging our elections unless the aim is to loot government coffers. There is no public service after the disenfranchising of the electorate.
Concluding remarks.
During Tanzania elections, fallout is more normal than exception and the blurred noises from G-55 were expected. Politics have created their winners and losers. Losers in the opposition elections suffer most unlike in CCM where they are assured of soft landing like garnering unmerited presidential appointments.
After G-55’s widely anticipated departure, there will be fewer distractions in Chadema so that they can confront the anguish CCM is afflicting them.
In many ways, Chadema benefits from the G-55 exit. It mirrors the way the Eagle moults its feathers to renew itself. G-55 will no longer attack Chadema since they have ceased being bona-fide members.
All sides of the equation now have a new lease of life, but which one will prosper between them, time os or best arbitrator?
Read more analysis by Rutashubanyuma Nestory
