If you have been following discussions in the social media following the untimely death of the former speaker Job Ndugai.
Job Ndugai will mostly be remembered in a triumvirate of things: whether his responses after Tundu Lissu’s political assassination attempt, the transition intrigues after president Magufuli had died and whether he should have resigned after the parliament was dissolved.
What he did to his constituents or his parliamentary contributions are unlikely to receive scrutiny and therefore will be confined to footnote attention. It is a bit sad since he wouldn’t have served parliament for 25 years, and had just controversially won the CCM nomination amidst cries of systematic fouls.
After his constituents learnt of his death unverified videos were in circulation showing them running, and shouting songs of jubilation very much within the confines of Proverbs 11;10 which says when the wicked Perish there is much shouting.
Now this discourse attempts to unravel his legacy and set the record straight. Who is former speaker Job Ndugai? Was he an unsung hero in Tanzania politics or an enabler of injustices while hiding behind horrors of the system broken by injustices. Or was he a victim too and widely misunderstood? This is his story in my misty lenses.
The Controversial Legacy of The Former Speaker, Job Ndugai, Eternally Tied To Tundu Lissu’s Attempt To His Life.
Ndugai’s Biography.
The Contested Legacy of Job Ndugai: Power, Loyalty, and Shadows of Injustice.
Job Yustino Ndugai (1963-2025) embodied the complexities of Tanzanian politics—a man whose 25-year parliamentary career was ultimately eclipsed by controversies that exposed the tensions between party loyalty, institutional integrity, and human rights. His legacy remains sharply polarized, defined by three pivotal moments: his treatment of a wounded opposition figure, his role in a disputed presidential transition, and his dramatic resignation.
I. Humble Origins to Political Ascent.
Born in rural Kongwa, Dodoma (January 21, 1963), Ndugai rose from modest beginnings, educated at Matare Primary and Old Moshi High School before earning advanced degrees in agriculture (Norway) and an MBA (ESAMI). His early career in conservation—managing the Selous Game Reserve and Serengeti West Project—forged a pragmatic leadership style later applied to politics.
Elected Kongwa MP in 2000 under CCM, his relentless activity earned him “most active MP” honors, propelling him to **Deputy Speaker (2010-2015)” and “Speaker (2015-2022)”.
II. The Triumvirate of Controversies
The Tundu Lissu Affair: Cruelty or Party Discipline?
Ndugai’s most damaging legacy stems from his actions toward opposition MP Tundu Lissu after a 2017 assassination attempt left Lissu with 16 bullet wounds. While Lissu recovered abroad, Ndugai:
“Made dismissive remarks” about Lissu’s condition, minimizing the severity of the attack.
“Presided over Lissu’s expulsion” from Parliament in 2020, citing prolonged absence and missed wealth declarations. Critics lambasted this as “inhumane” and politically motivated, given Lissu’s life-threatening injuries.
“He defended the decision” as procedural, despite outcry from human rights groups.
Magufuli’s Death & Transition: Bypassing Protocol.
Ndugai was a key player in the contested transition after President Magufuli’s 2021 death. Revelations show:
He supported “delaying VP Samia Suluhu Hassan’s swearing-in” (violating the 24-hour constitutional mandate) to prioritize funeral arrangements.
He endorsed “debates within Magufuli’s inner circle” on whether Samia should assume power “before” or “after” the funeral, exposing factional tensions.
This maneuvering framed him as an enabler of the “deep state,” prioritizing CCM stability over constitutional order.
The Debt Critique and Resignation: Loyalty’s Limits.
In 2021, Ndugai broke ranks, warning Tanzania risked being “auctioned” due to excessive borrowing, a direct challenge to President Samia’s policies. The fallout was swift:
He faced fierce backlash from CCM leadership, including Samia herself.
Issued a humiliating public apology: “I was wrong—gravely wrong. May God forgive me“.
“Resigned voluntarily in January 2022”, the first Speaker to do so in Tanzania’s multiparty era, citing “national interest“. Analysts saw this as proof of CCM’s intolerance for dissent.
III. The Enigma: Victim, Villain, or Enabler?
The Systemic Enabler:
As Speaker under Magufuli (2015-2020), Ndugai oversaw what critics called “Tanzania’s weakest parliament“—rubber-stamping executive actions, silencing dissent, and endorsing Magufuli’s unconstitutional third-term ambitions. His treatment of Lissu epitomized this subservience.
The Unlikely Rebel:
His debt criticism revealed a rare flash of principle, though his subsequent capitulation underscored his ultimate loyalty to CCM.
The Tragic Figure:
His death amid unverified reports of constituent jubilation (evoking Proverbs 11:10) reflects his divisiveness. Yet, his rural development work in Kongwa and parliamentary reforms (e.g., Public Investment Committee) hint at untold contributions.
IV. Legacy in the Mist.
Job Ndugai was neither hero nor monster, but a product of Tanzania’s authoritarian political machinery. For 25 years, he navigated its demands with shrewd loyalty, **prioritizing CCM’s dominance over parliamentary independence or compassion**. His fleeting rebellion on debt proved too little, too late to redeem his complicity in injustices like the persecution of Lissu. In the end, his death amidst election campaigning symbolizes a system where power perpetuates itself—a system Ndugai helped fortify, even as he became its occasional casualty. His story remains a cautionary tale of how institutional decay consumes even its architects.
Professor Anne Tibaijuka Defends Job Ndugai’s Role In Tundu Lissu Assassination Attempt And Thereafter.
What Did She Say?
Anna Tibaijuka: Blame the System, Not the Person!
“Spika Ndugai. Tunaokufahamu tunakulilia kwa WEMA WAKO. RIP. Familia. Poleni. Suala la Lissu kufukuzwa Bungeni liliniuma sana. Jioni nikamfuata Spika Ndugai nyumbani kwake Kisasa kumuuliza kulikoni? Mwenzetu wote tunajua yaliyompata?. Utasemaje hujui alipo? Spika akanieleza kwa utulivu yafuatayo ambayo IN HIS TRIBUTE (kama heshima kwake) ninayaweka wazi. Labda yatasaidia kumuelewa kwa waliokerwa na kauli zake za mizaha (dry humor).
Ndugai aliniambia “Mama ni Maelekezo. Miml nilichofanya kama Spika ni kujaribu kuokoa maisha yake kwa kumkimbiza Nairobi kutibiwa. Wengine walitaka apelekwe Muhimbili. Hatukuwa na bajeti. CHADEMA hawakuwa na fedha kulipia ndege. Nikamuomba Mbunge wa CCM mhe Turku (RIP) alipie tutamrefund”. Akaendelea “Mama Lissu ni mwanasiasa. Akipona atarejea kupambana kadri Mungu atakavyomjalia. Kwa sasa ninakuwa na tahadhari kusurvive katika siasa ngumu za maelekezo huku naongoza muhimili”
Sikuwa na la kusema zaidi. Nikajua tuna safari ndefu kama taifa. Jamii haitaki kuangalia misingi ya matatizo yetu kimfumo. Tunabaki kulaumu viongozi (personalities) kana kwamba wana freedom kutekeleza majukumu yao. Mfano Utakuta mbunge analaumiwa kwa kutojenga shule, hospitali, barabara. Kwani hiyo si kazi ya Serikali kuu na Halmashauri wanaotoza kodi? Tusimlaumu Ndugai kwa mambo yaliyokuwa ya mfumo. Alipokosea Mungu amsamehe lakini kuna mazuri Mengi alifanya. Apumzike kwa amani.” End of quotation.
Professor Anne Tibaijuka’s Apologetics.
Based on Professor Anne Tibaijuka’s personal testimony regarding Job Ndugai’s actions after Tundu Lissu’s 2017 assassination attempt, her defense centers on three key claims and a broader systemic argument:
I. Tibaijuka’s Core Defense of Ndugai.
Medical Evacuation as Life-Saving Intervention.
Ndugai allegedly bypassed pressure to hospitalize Lissu at Muhimbili (Tanzania’s main public hospital), arranging emergency airlift to Nairobi instead. Tibaijuka quotes Ndugai: “Nilichofanya… ni kujaribu kuokoa maisha yake kwa kumkimbiza Nairobi” (“What I did… was trying to save his life by evacuating him to Nairobi“) .
Financial Rescue Operation.
Ndugai claimed neither Parliament nor CHADEMA (Lissu’s party) had funds for medical evacuation. He reportedly persuaded CCM MP Turku (now deceased) to pay upfront, promising reimbursement: “Nikamuomba Mbunge wa CCM mhe Turku alipie tutamrefund” (“I asked CCM MP Turku to pay; we’d refund him”) .
Political Realism Over Compassion.
Ndugai framed Lissu’s expulsion from Parliament as inevitable due to his prolonged absence, privately telling Tibaijuka: “Lissu ni mwanasiasa… atarejea kupambana” (“Lissu is a politician… he’ll return to fight“). He portrayed himself as navigating “maelekezo” (directives) in “ngumu za siasa” (tough politics).
II. Contextual Contradictions & Criticisms.
Expulsion vs. Rescue Narrative:
While Ndugai claimed life-saving intent, he presided over Lissu’s 2020 expulsion citing “procedural absence” – a move human rights groups condemned as punitive.
Public Dismissiveness:
Ndugai publicly minimized Lissu’s injuries post-attack, contrasting Tibaijuka’s portrayal of covert compassion.
Systemic Complicity:
Tibaijuka absolves Ndugai by blaming Tanzania’s authoritarian system: “Tusimlaumu kwa mambo yaliyokuwa ya mfumo” (“Don’t blame him for systemic issues”). Critics note Ndugai actively reinforced this system as Speaker, silencing dissent under Magufuli.
III. Tibaijuka’s Broader Argument: Systemic Failure > Individual Blame.
She extends Ndugai’s case to critique Tanzania’s governance culture:
Misplaced Accountability:
Argues citizens blame leaders for systemic failures (e.g., infrastructure gaps) rather than demanding institutional reforms.
Personality-Centric Politics:
Contends Ndugai became a scapegoat for deeper structural injustices, stating: “Jamii haitaki kuangalia misingi ya matatizo… tunabaki kulaumu viongozi” (“Society avoids examining root problems… we blame leaders”).
IV. Assessment: Credibility Gaps & Legacy Tensions.
Tibaijuka’s defense, while humanizing Ndugai, overlooks his agency in enabling repression. Her emphasis on systemic flaws (“mfumo”) resonates but risks whitewashing his role in consolidating CCM’s authoritarianism. The dichotomy between covert aid and public cruelty remains unresolved in her narrative.
My Takeaways.
Job Ndugai built his political career as an enabler of gross injustices against the people of Tanzania and there is nothing anybody can say to dissuade from this determination. He never questioned CCM manufactured election victories since tje reinception of pluralism in 1992.
He deemed CCM as divine governor of Tanzania, and whoever questioned that was committing treason. This is why the incarceration of Tundu Lissu under strenuous offences of treason never pricked his conscience.
While he was “spot on” to arrange the evacuation of the bullets riddled Tundu Lissu to Nairobi avoiding Muhimbili Hospital but his deeds thereafter revealed a man who placed himself above everything else. True, Tundu Lissu’s health considerably improved after the shooting incident but Ndugai of parliament never afforded Lissu an opportunity to defend his parliamentary truancy.
Anybody who had been shot tended to develop traumatic experiences which ought to have been considered but weren’t. True, Tundu Lissu on one on one interview with Voice of America was grilled why he was not going back to Tanzania but he had defended himself that he feared for his life knowing those who ordered his political assassination and those who carried it out remained unapprehended. He feared for his life.
However, the then speaker Ndugai had one veritable point: Tundu Lissu never communicated to his office why he had violated Parliamentary Standing Orders that required him not to miss a number of three sittings consecutively. Lissu should have written a letter to the Speaker to explain why he couldn’t physically attend parliamentary proceedings as required by the Standing Orders.
What happened in this situation, misplaced schmaltz took the better of the most of us but facts are what they say they are: If Tundu Lissu could travel to the US and make all kinds of speeches he could also at least surf the web and scrawl an official email expounding why trauma is preventing him from attending mandatory Parliamentary Sittings.
By refusing to do the minimum, Tundu Lissu unwittingly armed his arch-nemesis to oust him from parliament over gross violations of Parliamentary Standing Orders. After drawing this finding, I have no choice but to rule out the system was “guilty as charged” but Tundu Lissu was a reckless accomplice and deserved the sacking. His Life attempt couldn’t fish him out when all he needed was to pen down his fears which were very understandable.
Ndugai’s cheeky views on national debt had two sides. True, national debt is a national security concern. However, his advocacy of overtaxation overlooked the splurge. Our government is a notorious spender where it didn’t even sow. Wage bill and its associated appurtenances raze over Tshs 19 trillions every year.
Ndugai himself courted public outcry when he burnt billions in a monthlong treatment in India. Many asked why travel to India when we have our own hospitals and diversion of public funds narrate why our public hospitals are underfunded since national leaders flee from them and feel no obligation to upgrade them into international standards.
Ndugai ought to have retired after the 2025 parliament was dissolved, and this seriously soiled his legacy. During campaign trail in his Kongwa constituents, he was repeatedly advised to lay down his political tools and anoint young Turks to succeed him he refused. That may in many ways explain why his constituents celebrated with songs and jigs no sooner they heard he had already met His Maker.
CCM politicians are dumbfounded why his death has attracted a lot of rejoicing since they haven’t read Proverb 11:10 which says:…when the wicked perish there is shouting. CCM activists have been condemning the shouts of joy following Ndugai’s death little do they know the nation is fragmented. They may say: huo siyo “utamaduni wetu” but never rebuke abductions, torture and political killings let alone stolen elections. Are those “utamaduni wetu”? The answer ought to be never judge anybody lest your own folly gets the better of you.
Ndugai’s own ouster as the speaker was rooted in succession politics of 2021 after the then president Magufuli had died. The transition was hectic and parliamentary contributions didn’t help as many MPs deemed president Samia as a passing cloud. Others trolled her as “Rais wa Mpito.”. She later agonised in public why she was treated that way, at times she attributed it to gender wars. But really, it was a vacuum that generated all the backlash, nothing personal. Nature abhors a vacuum and filling it comes naturally.
President Samia was circumspect of Ndugai’s motives particularly of not shutting down the succession debates in parliament. She did the same to the prime minister, Majaliwa Kassim. When Ndugai gaslighted national debt she viewed him as an existential rival that was to be neutralized before 2025. She didn’t trust him would be on her side when 2025 came calling. The speaker is also a member of the CCM Central Committee.
A rebellion there was a sure ticket to her ejection from her president. It narrates why manpower tweaks in the central committee were inescapable to ensure her second term went as smoothly as it was feasible. Through the venal UVCCM, Ndugai found there was no place to hide. His concerted apologies fueled the calls for his resignation. He knew he had chewed more than he could swallow. As a man who placed self interest above everything else, he called the day preserving his generous retirement benefits.
In his last days during campaigning for the CCM nomination, one voter in Kongwa constituency asked him what else he was planning to do after 25 years as their MP. He dismissed the question as a contorted lie amidst heckles and boos. It summed up a political career that has seen its better days were behind him.
A Convenient Narrative?
Tibaijuka’s defense reframes Ndugai as a “covert humanitarian constrained by “the system ,but she ignores his “active role in reinforcing that system”. While highlighting Tanzania’s governance flaws is valid, absolving Ndugai of agency in Lissu’s persecution whitewashes his legacy as an architect of repression. The timing shared only after his death further clouds its authenticity. This is my side of the story rightly or otherwise I read hypocrisy and nothing else.
Read more analysis by Rutashubanyuma Nestory
Brother, Nice read. Does CCM centre committee understand inter political parties independence, a nautral independence election body?
what does the tanzania constituention state about gwajima religion aspect?
kindly!