The recent CCM primary elections in Tanzania have resulted in a significant political shakeup, with eight deputy ministers and approximately 47 incumbent MPs losing their bids to secure party nominations for the upcoming general elections. Below is a detailed analysis based on verified reports:
The CCM Shakeup: Anti-Incumbency, Corruption, and the Rise of New Faces in Tanzania.
Key Figures Defeated.
Deputy Ministers:
Stanslaus Nyongo (Deputy Minister of State, President’s Office—Planning and Investment, Maswa East) secured only 3,088 votes, losing to Dr. George Lugomela (4,759).
Exaud Kigahe (Deputy Minister of Industry and Trade, Mufindi North) received 488 votes, defeated by Luqman Merhab (3,795).
Danstan Kitandula (Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Mkinga) lost decisively.
Geofrey Pinda (Deputy Minister of Lands, Kavuu) finished third with 969 votes.
Alexander Mnyeti (Deputy Minister of Livestock and Fisheries, Misungwi) received 3,249 votes against Salvatory Luboja’s 9,680.
Cosato Chumi (Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mafinga Urban) managed only 376 votes. Deputy ministers tend to wield no power in allocation of national resources; this is why they are vulnerable. Their role is constrained into responding to parliamentary queries on behalf of the minister.
This primary has also raised ponderous questions about whether we need ministers who combine as MPs. This toxic relationship introduces conflict of interest between the center and peripheries. Ministers under pressure from constituencies forgo national priorities to placate constituents lest they reject them in the following elections.
Prominent MPs:
Hamisi Kigwangalla (Nzega Rural, former Minister) lost to Neto Kapalata (2,570 vs. 1,715). Incumbency was just unacceptable; there was a quest for fresh ideas. This is why he had to go.
Vita Kawawa (Namtumbo, 20-year incumbent) was trounced by Dr. Juma Homera (852 vs. 11,836). Kawawa’s incumbency was intolerable despite clutching his father’s legacy. His father, Mfaume Kawawa, was a key player during independence struggles but the delegates didn’t value it anymore. It was time to move on.
Deo Sanga (Makambako) received only 470 votes against Daniel Chongolo’s 6,151. Chongolo muscled in on him through several plum posts from CCM Secretary General and then a regional commissioner. This is a bit weird, knowing that in the past CCM elections, non-ministerial presidential appointees were often rejected by the delegates. This year, having an R.C or D.C post seemed to ingratiate the delegates for reasons which remain murky.
Regional Breakdown of Key Results.
Simiyu: Incumbent Nyongo defeated in Maswa East.
Tabora: Shabani Mrutu (6,612 votes) ousted Emmanuel Mwakasaka (228 votes) in Tabora Urban.
Geita: Constantine Kanyasu (Geita Urban) and Medard Kalemani (Chato North) both lost.
Zanzibar: Three deputy ministers, including Nadir Abdulatif Al-Wardy (Transport), were defeated.
Implications and Next Steps.
Anti-Incumbency Wave: The results reflect grassroots demand for change, with long-serving figures like Kawawa (20 years) and Kigwangala (since 2010) rejected.
Women’s Performance: Some female candidates succeeded (e.g., Lucy Mayenga in Kishapu with 7,814 votes), while others like Ester Bulaya (Bunda Urban) lost.
CCM’s Internal Process:
The outcomes now proceed to higher party organs:
District committees (August 6) 👉 Regional committees 👉 National Executive Committee (August 20) 👉 National Congress (August 22).
Final candidate lists will be submitted to the electoral commission by August 27.
Constitutional Context.
Tanzania’s multi-party framework (Constitution Articles 3–4) permits such internal party elections, though CCM’s dominance since 1977 makes these primaries de facto decisive for general election outcomes.
This upheaval signals a potential transformation in Tanzania’s political landscape, emphasizing accountability within the ruling party. The NEC’s upcoming decisions will determine whether grassroots verdicts are upheld or overruled.
Why Were The Incumbents Spurned?
The rejection of high-profile incumbents—including 8 deputy ministers and 47 MPs—in Tanzania’s CCM primaries reflects a complex interplay of grassroots discontent, intra-party dynamics, and shifting political priorities. Based on the results and Tanzania’s political context, key factors driving these defeats include:
Grassroots Accountability Pressure.
Service Delivery Failures: Many incumbents faced backlash for perceived underperformance. For example:
Geofrey Pinda (Kavuu) lost after placing *third* despite his father’s legacy (former PM Mizengo Pinda), signaling voter frustration with local development stagnation.
Stanslaus Nyongo (Maswa East) was defeated by “Dr. George Lugomela”—a less-established candidate—amid reports of unmet infrastructure promises.
Anti-“Entitlement” Sentiment: Long-serving figures like “Vita Kawawa” (Namtumbo MP for 20 years) lost 11:1 to newcomer “Dr. Juma Homera”, reflecting fatigue with dynastic politics.
Internal Party Power Shifts.
Delegates vs. Dar es Salaam Elite: The primaries exposed tensions between party delegates (local representatives) and the national leadership. Delegates used their influence to:
Reject leaders viewed as “imposed” by Dodoma (e.g., Cosato Chumi in Mafinga Urban, who got only “376 votes”).
Elevate local figures with stronger community ties (e.g., “Dotto Bahemu”, a TV host, winning in Ngara).
CCM’s “Queue System” Backlash: The party’s tradition of rotating candidates (*foleni*) was ignored in many areas, with delegates prioritizing perceived competence over seniority. Problem Solvers rather than Incumbents were preferred unless they were capable
Corruption and Scandals.
Several defeated incumbents faced corruption allegations:
Medard Kalemani (ex-Energy Minister, Chato) lost amid his perceived weakness after a loss of his ministerial cabinet. Without a cabinet position delegates considered him damaged goods incapable of pulling national resources to their constituents.
Hamisi Kigwangalla (Nzega Rural) devoid of a ministerial docket he became too weak to wave the challenges he faced in his constituency. Delegates perceived him politically expendable and a quest to chart a new course.
Rise of New Political Capital.
Youth and Technocrats:
Delegates favored younger, educated candidates like:
Dr. Mwigulu Nchemba (Iramba West), an economist who won decisively (10,604 votes). The Nchemba triumph reflects delegates’ expectations that the Finance minister will be able to pull national resources to tackle constituency problems, in particular infrastructure under development.
Dickson Lutevele (Mafinga Urban), who defeated deputy minister Chumi.
Few Defectors Rewarded:
Former CHADEMA members Jesca Kishoa (Iramba East) and Kunti Majala (Chemba) won nominations, indicating CCM’s strategy to co-opt opposition talent.
Gender Dynamics.
While some female incumbents fell (e.g., Ester Bulaya in Bunda Urban), others like Lucy Mayenga (Kishapu) won big (7,814 votes), suggesting rejection was performance-based, not gendered. Incumbents notwithstanding party loyalty shifts could not overcome delegates fatigue of cloyness. The hunger for new blood was too much to overcome. Ester Bulaya came a distant third wrapping up her constituency politics as now a no go zone.
Regional Dissatisfaction.
Resource-Rich Neglect: In mining regions like Geita, incumbents (Constantine Kanyasu, Tumaini Magesa) lost amid complaints that mining revenues didn’t benefit locals.
Agrarian Grievances: In Mufindi North, tea farmers rejected “Exaud Kigahe” (488 votes) after years of price disputes.
The Bigger Picture:
Symbolism: Rejection of “politics as usual” in Africa’s longest-ruling party.
These results signal a “rare democratic pulse within CCM”—driven by delegates demanding accountability from elites. President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s tacit endorsement of competitive primaries (unlike Magufuli’s era) enabled this shakeup.
However, the National Executive Committee (NEC) could still override some results before the August 27 candidate list submission, testing whether party elites accept grassroots verdicts.
Tanzania’s 2024 primaries reveal that even in dominant-party systems, “localized discontent can override national prominence” when structures allow it. Whether this translates into broader governance reforms remains to be seen.
Read more analysis by Rutashubanyuma Nestory
