The action by Tanzania’s Registrar of Societies on May 2, 2025, to deregister Bishop Gwajima’s church, Ufufuo na Uzima Ministry (also known as “Glory of Christ Tanzania Church“), must be understood within Tanzania’s broader political and religious context. The deregistration move of the Tanzania Registrar of Societies provides critical insights into the government’s pattern of suppressing dissent through legal and regulatory means. Gwajima has refuted the claims of deregistration that have gone viral. Yet, on the same night, he posted a video surrounded by fellow bishops complaining the police had cordoned off his church. Here is a synthesized analysis of the fracas.
1. Legal Basis for Deregistration.
– Tanzania’s Home Affairs Ministry requires religious organizations to register for legal operation, and it has explicitly warned against “mixing religion and politics.” In 2017–2018, the government threatened to revoke registrations of churches engaging in political criticism, as seen when Pentecostal Bishop Zachary Kakobe condemned President Magufuli’s authoritarian policies during a sermon.
– The Ufufuo na Uzima Ministry (studied for its role in COVID-19 vaccine attitudes) is a prominent Pentecostal church. Given Gwajima’s history of political activism and vocal opposition to government policies (e.g., COVID-19 measures), his church aligns with the profile targeted by these regulations.
2. Precedent: Kakobe’s Case.
– In 2017, Kakobe’s Full Gospel Bible Fellowship Church faced deregistration threats after he accused the government of “turning Tanzania into a one-party state” and “closing democratic space”.
– The ruling party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi, CCM) formally accused Kakobe of violating laws separating religion and politics, prompting the Home Affairs Ministry to issue a nationwide warning to religious groups. This case establishes a clear template for Gwajima’s situation.
3. Broader Political Suppression.
– Crackdown on Opposition:
– The government has systematically restricted opposition activities since 2015, banning political rallies, prosecuting critics via social media, and amending laws to jail opposition figures for up to 20 years.
– The Political Parties Act amendments empower the Registrar to demand internal party information, ban foreign funding, and criminalize activism—tools used to stifle dissent.
– Religious Institutions as Targets:
– The Catholic Bishops’ Conference denounced the suppression of freedoms, noting that religious leaders were silenced to prevent critique of governance . Gwajima’s outspokenness on issues like COVID-19 (which challenged state policy) likely intensified scrutiny.
4. Gwajima’s Church in Context:
– Ufufuo na Uzima was part of a 2022 study on Pentecostal vaccine hesitancy, revealing its influence on public health behaviour. Gwajima’s sermons often blended theology with socio-political commentary, directly conflicting with state directives.
– While the search results do not detail Gwajima’s deregistration, the Kakobe precedent and the bishops’ warnings confirm a systematic effort to penalize churches that defy political neutrality.
5. Implications:
– Shrinking Civic Space:
Deregistration weaponizes bureaucracy to eliminate critical voices, framing them as “illegal” entities.
– Religious Compliance:
Churches face pressure to avoid challenging state authority, even on issues like public health or democracy.
– International Perception:
Such actions contradict Tanzania’s reputation as a “stable democracy” and risk alienating donors supportive of anti-corruption efforts.
Concluding Remarks.
The deregistration of Gwajima’s church exemplifies Tanzania’s authoritarian consolidation under Magufuli’s legacy. By extending political regulations to religious spheres, the state neutralizes potential opposition hubs.
This pattern underscores the vulnerability of civic institutions in Tanzania’s current political climate, where legal frameworks are repurposed to enforce conformity rather than protect rights. For further details, see sources on Tanzania’s political amendments and religious suppression cases.
Tanzania’s Registrar of Societies can deregister a church without affording it the opportunity to defend itself, as the legal framework grants sweeping powers to the executive with minimal procedural safeguards. Here is a detailed analysis:
1. Broad Ministerial Powers Under the Societies Act.
– The 2019 amendments to the Societies Act (Section 35(k)) empower the Minister of Home Affairs to **declare any organization “not a society” through a gazette order, with no requirement for prior notice, hearing, or appeal mechanisms. This provision explicitly excludes due process, allowing deregistration based on subjective criteria like “violating national morality” or “endangering good governance.”
– Section 38 permits the Minister to label a society “dangerous to good governance” and deregister it immediately. The order remains in force indefinitely until revoked, with no judicial oversight.
2. Re-registration Requirements and Automatic Deregistration:
– The 2021 directive abolished permanent registration, requiring all societies (including churches) to re-register every 5 years. Failure to meet the 90-day deadline (e.g., for administrative delays) results in automatic removal from the register without a hearing. This system prioritizes bureaucratic compliance over natural justice.
3. Constitutional and Human Rights Violations.
– Tanzania’s Constitution (Article 13) guarantees equality before the law and prohibits discrimination, while Article 8 mandates respect for human dignity. However, the non-justiciability of Directive Principles (Article 7(2)) prevents courts from enforcing these rights against deregistration decisions. Courts will have to decide on constitutionality of this.
– The Registrar’s actions contradict international norms of fair procedure, as noted in research on Tanzania’s judiciary. Courts often defer to executive discretion rather than upholding natural justice, citing legal positivism.
4. Judicial Remedies Are Ineffective:
– Despite constitutional guarantees, the judiciary rarely challenges deregistration orders. As documented in Human Rights in Tanzania: The Role of the Judiciary, the government frequently ignores court rulings that favour rights holders, and judges avoid “judicial activism” due to institutional conservatism.
Notable Observations.
The Societies Act amendments create a framework where churches can be deregistered without any opportunity to defend themselves, violating core principles of natural justice (audi alteram partem).
The Registrar’s powers remain largely unchecked, with no meaningful judicial or procedural recourse for affected organizations. For churches like Bishop Gwajima’s Ufufuo na Uzima, this poses existential risks, especially since their activities are deemed political, posing a threat to the ruling party, CCM chokehold on power.
What remedies do Bishop Gwajima still can invoke?
Bishop Josephat Gwajima can pursue multiple legal, political, and strategic avenues to challenge the Registrar of Societies’ deregistration of his church, Ufufuo na Uzima Ministry. Below is a structured analysis of actionable steps based on Tanzanian law, precedents, and contextual factors from the search results:
1. Legal Appeals in Tanzanian Courts.
– Ministerial Appeal within 21 days.
Bishop Gwajima has 21 days to appeal to the minister of interior under Section 19 (1) of the Registration of Societies Act. The minister may try to find a middle ground lest the government he serves is tainted for overreach. That may require Bishop Gwajima to promise to tone down. The current minister for the Interior, Innocent Bashungwa, did the same when he had to resolve Tanzania’s artists who were suffusing with anti-establishment lyrics.
– Constitutional Challenge:
Argue that the deregistration violates Article 19(1) of Tanzania’s Constitution, which guarantees freedom of worship. The Court of Appeals recently affirmed this right in Civil Appeal No. 398 of 2020, ruling that state actions penalizing religious practice are unconstitutional.
– Procedural Grounds:
Contest the deregistration under the Societies Act (2019 amendments) for violating natural justice (e.g., no prior hearing, arbitrary ministerial powers under Section 35(k). Cite precedents where courts invalidated state actions lacking due process.
– Judicial Review:
File a petition in the High Court seeking judicial review of the Registrar’s decision, demanding disclosure of evidence and challenging vague grounds like “endangering good governance”
2. Procedural Defenses.
– Compliance with Reregistration Rules:
The 2021 directive requiring reregistration every 5 years was amended to exclude churches and mosques . If Ufufuo na Uzima was deregistered under this policy, prove it qualifies as a “place of worship” exempt from time-based registration.
– Documentation Compliance:
Submit evidence of past adherence to registration requirements (e.g., constitution, member lists, district commissioner recommendations) to refute claims of non-compliance.
3. Political and Public Pressure.
– Leverage Parliamentary Position:
As a CCM MP for Kawe Gwajima can raise the issue in parliament, demanding oversight hearings on the Registrar’s conduct. Highlight precedents like the 2017–2018 threats against churches to frame this as systemic repression.
– Coalition-Building:
Partner with other targeted religious groups (e.g., or Catholic bishops) to file joint petitions or public campaigns. The Council of Imams previously resisted state interference in religious education.
– Media Mobilization:
Utilize Gwajima’s public influence to frame deregistration as political retaliation for his anti-vaccine activism or criticism of officials . International media (e.g., U.S. State Department reports) have documented Tanzania’s suppression of dissent.
4. Negotiation and Compliance Offers:
– Formal Apology/Undertaking:
Submit a written pledge to separate political activities from church operations, addressing the Registrar’s core concern about “mixing religion and politics“.
– Dialogue with Authorities:
Request meetings with the Ministry of Home Affairs to negotiate conditional reinstatement, citing precedents where the government exempted worship spaces from punitive policies.
5. International Mechanisms.
– UN Human Rights Committee:
Petition under the **International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights** (which Tanzania ratified) , citing violations of religious freedom.
– **U.S. Embassy Engagement**: Seek support from the U.S. embassy, which has historically convened religious leaders to address state repression .
Key Risks and Realities.
– Political Hostility:
Gwajima’s history of criticizing presidents (Kikwete, Magufuli) and officials (e.g., Health Minister Dorothy Gwajima) increases retaliation risks . Success may require temporary de-escalation.
– Legal Loopholes:
The Societies Act allows ministers to deregister groups without appeals processes. Litigation could be protracted, with courts often deferring to executive discretion.
– Precedent:
In 2017, the government threatened deregistration against Bishop Zachary Kakobe for political sermons. Gwajima could cite this to argue selective enforcement.
Recommended Strategy:
Gwajima should prioritize a hybrid approach:
1. Immediate:
File a High Court petition emphasizing procedural unfairness and constitutional rights .
2. Medium-term:
Mobilize MPs and religious coalitions to pressure the Registrar into dialogue .
3. Long-term:
Challenge the Societies Act’s constitutionality to prevent future abuses.
Success hinges on proving the deregistration was politically motivated, not grounded in legal violations. If domestic avenues fail, international pressure remains viable.
Can the US Congress censure Tanzania government over religious oppression?
Based on the analysis of current U.S. engagement, Tanzania’s religious freedom conditions, and congressional priorities, significant legislative intervention specifically rebuking Tanzania appears unlikely in the immediate term, though ongoing monitoring and diplomatic pressure will continue. Key factors influencing this assessment include:
1. Documented Religious Freedom Violations in Tanzania.
– Targeted Persecution:
Both Muslim and Christian communities face restrictions:
– Six Muslim clerics remain imprisoned on 50-year treason sentences since 2013, with reports of 201 Muslim terror suspects detained nationwide.
– Christian churches face crackdowns, such as the suspension of Spirit World Ministry Church over LGBTQ+ advocacy and arrests of pastors like Herman Magigita for “preaching false doctrine“.
– Legal Restrictions:
Tanzania’s blasphemy laws (penalizing “insulting religion”) and mandatory religious group registration systems enable suppression. Muslim groups require approval from state-linked bodies (BAKWATA on mainland, Mufti in Zanzibar).
– Extremist Violence:
In Zanzibar (99% Muslim), Catholic leaders report church burnings, assassinations of priests, and government inaction against anti-Christian propaganda.
2. Current U.S. Government Engagement.
– Diplomatic Efforts:
The U.S. Embassy holds interfaith dialogues, meets with Tanzanian officials (e.g., National Assembly, Human Rights Commission), and advocates for religious leaders’ inclusion in political reforms.
– Reporting Mechanisms:
The State Department’s 2023 Religious Freedom Report details Tanzania’s issues but does not recommend designating it a Country of Particular Concern (CPC).
USCIRF’s 2025 Annual Report also **excludes Tanzania** from its CPC/SWL recommendations, focusing instead on Nigeria, India, Afghanistan, and Vietnam.
– Congressional Advocacy:
Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) champions global religious freedom, authoring reauthorization bills for USCIRF (HR 1744) and condemning Nigeria’s persecution. However, Tanzania is not highlighted in his recent statements.
3. Barriers to Congressional Intervention.
– Competing Priorities:
USCIRF and Congress are focused on severe violators (e.g., Nigeria, Pakistan, China). Tanzania’s issues, while serious, are not currently framed as “systemic, ongoing, and egregious” per IRFA standards.
– Political Dynamics:
Tanzania’s “religious balance tradition” (alternating Christian/Muslim presidents) and U.S. strategic interests may deter confrontational measures.
– Limited Advocacy:
No major U.S.-based campaigns or resolutions target Tanzania specifically, unlike Nigeria (H.Res.220).
4. Potential Future Scenarios.
– Increased Diplomacy:
Continued embassy pressure could address individual cases (e.g., jailed clerics) or registration policies.
– Congressional Action Trigger:
Escalating violence or blatant suppression (e.g., mass closures of worship spaces) might prompt hearings or resolutions.
– USCIRF Designation:
If conditions worsen, USCIRF could recommend SWL status, forcing State Department review.
Key Takeaways.
While the U.S. Congress maintains mechanisms to address religious oppression (e.g., USCIRF, CPC designations), Tanzania is not currently a high-priority target for legislative rebukes. Diplomatic engagement through the State Department and Embassy remains the primary U.S. approach. Congressional intervention would require significant deterioration in conditions or sustained advocacy from human rights groups.
Bishop Dr. Benson Bagonza has weighed in on the matter.
He wrote a missive questioning the legality of the deregistration orders. He asks basic questions of why Bishop Gwajima’s conduct be deemed as his ministry. He asks whether Gwajima and his ministries were synonymous. Should all of his congregation be deprived of their constitutional rights to worship because of one of their leader’s acts?
In other words, Bishop Bagonza is asking whether Glory of Christ Tanzania Church is an institution or an individual personal property? Looks like the Registrar of Societies acted without realizing the error of his deregistration orders.
In Parliament today on 03rd May, 2025 the minister for internal affairs has also provided some leadership as he should.
The minister promised to look into how religion is conducted in the country and vowed to keep the whole evaluation exercise apolitical. I have a reason to believe he will intervene on tje matter of Bishop Gwajima that has been overblown out of proportion.
The Registrar of Societies was under immense pressure to deregister Gwajima’s ministries lest he lose his job. Tough these days to get a new job that pays well. However, now sobriety should prevail by protecting the rights of the worshippers. They have done nothing wrong and Bishop Gwajima too is innocent.
All should condemn arbitrary powers of abductions, torture and political murders since without that we may be unwittingly sowing seeds of our own destruction.
Read more analysis by Rutashubanyuma Nestory
