CCM Secretary general, Dr. Emmanuel Nchimbi, has announced a ban against candidates mingling with the voters before the elections. Though, he didn’t state the reason behind the imprimatur but we know where he was heading to.
The whole dictum aimed to stop money from changing hands between voters and candidates. It is an acknowledgement that CCM leaders who will vote in the primaries are not better than an average CCM member. They both are susceptible to corruption, contrary to an assertion made in 2010.
CCM has shifted between primaries that were all-inclusive and one that is an exclusive leadership affair. In 2010 CCM primaries, all members were involved and in YouTube we saw candidates distributing cash at the wee hour. Cases of candidates meeting voters in guest Houses and bars became a fixture of CCM primaries in 2010.
After the primaries, CCM was inundated with complaints from the losers who accused the winners of bribing their way to the finish line. Very few winners were disqualified because of it. Most were taken on board to fight in the general elections.
After the bungled CCM primaries of 2010, a decision was made to blame the ordinary members, not those seeking public office, as extremely venal. It was a misdiagnosis of an intractable cancer. The problem wasn’t members but leaders who would do anything in their power to secure public office.
After getting the analysis wrong, CCM amended her constitution barring ordinary members from taking part in the primaries. It was a final act of betrayal. From that day, CCM ceased being a mass party, and became by choice a vanguard one. It narrates why, from that day, CCM abandoned the rank and file and solidified itself with the rulers of the day.
It explains why the Augusta House is cobbling laws that are snobbish and self-serving. It expounds why the government defends doling out expensive SUVs to regional presidential appointees, not setting up trillions to startups or purchasing tractors to peasants who badly need them to transform their livelihoods.
It is dilating why national leaders’ spouses deserve to be paid salaries contrary to clear provisions in the constitution. It elaborates why alien investors are more valuable than local ones, paving the way to the much maligned platitude:
“mpishe mwekezaji wewe subiria fidia yako huko uendako.”
It cloaks not, why under CCM tutelage, Tanzania is now a police state. It illustrates why election laws are so lopsided to ensure election management is a CCM dugout. CCM fully knows unless Tanzania is a police state, and she is the one who manages elections her ironclad hold on power is delusional.
Nchimbi’s pronouncement is a telltale of what is wrong with the CCM constitution, and bans other lack of them will not fix the corruption now a common feature in CCM primaries. Unless the fate of primaries is in the hands of ordinary CCM members the leadership will continue to be insular and unresponsive to the basic needs of the hoi polloi. It will continue to be self-catering and dependent on police brutality to keep the reins of power.
This is where our national watershed is for now: Fixing the CCM constitution is now a matter of urgent national security.
Getting the facts is the golden key to solving the problem.
The crisis within CCM’s primaries and its constitutional contradictions stems from systemic flaws in the party’s structure, elite capture, and a misdiagnosis of corruption. Below is a detailed analysis:
⚖️ 1. The 2010 Pivot: From Mass Participation to Elite Gatekeeping.
– Inclusive Primaries (Pre-2010):
All party members participated, but this led to rampant vote-buying, cash distribution, and illicit candidate-voter meetings in guest houses/bars. Losers accused winners of bribery, yet few faced disqualification.
– Post-2010 Exclusionary Model:
CCM amended its constitution to restrict primaries to party *leaders* (e.g., NEC members, regional chairs), blaming “venal” ordinary members rather than candidates. This transformed CCM from a mass party into a “vanguard party”, severing ties with grassroots members and entrenching elite control.
🧩 2. Nchimbi’s Ban: A Constitutional Anomaly.
Dr. Nchimbi’s prohibition on candidate-voter mingling implicitly admits that:
– Leaders are as corruptible as members:
The ban targets money-driven lobbying among the very leaders entrusted with primary voting, revealing CCM’s flawed assumption that leaders are immune to bribes.
– Misplaced Accountability:
The 2010 reforms scapegoated ordinary members while ignoring that candidates (often elites) drive corruption. Nchimbi’s edict confirms this misdiagnosis but fails to address the root issue: elite impunity.
Table: Evolution of CCM Primary Systems.
| No. | Period. | Primary Voters. | Key Issues | Outcome. |
| 1.0 | Pre-2010. | All party members. | Cash bribes, bar/guest house meetings. | Widespread complaints; minimal disqualification. |
| 2.0 | Post-2010. | Select leaders only | Elite collusion. | Elite collusion, detachment from grassroots. | CCM becomes a “ruler’s party”; policies favor elites. |
🏛️ 3. Systemic Consequences: Elitism & State Capture.
The post-2010 shift enabled:
– Self-Serving Legislation:
Laws prioritise elite interests (e.g., salaries for leaders’ spouses, SUVs for officials) over public needs, such as startup funding or agricultural tools.
– Police State Dynamics:
To maintain power amid waning legitimacy, CCM relies on lopsided election laws, police brutality, and suppression of opposition (e.g., banning Chadema).
– Economic Favouritism:
Policies privilege foreign investors over locals, encapsulated in the slogan “mpishe mwekezaji wewe subiria fidia yako huko uendako” (“Serve the investor; wait for your compensation later”).
🔄 4. The Vicious Cycle of Corruption.
– Primaries as Bribery Grounds:
Restricted primaries concentrate power among fewer leaders, increasing incentives for vote-buying. Nchimbi’s ban is a band-aid solution that ignores the institutionalised graft.
– Accountability Failure:
Few winners face consequences for bribery, perpetuating a culture where corruption is a viable path to office.
Table: Symptoms of CCM’s Institutional Decay.
| No. | Symptom | Manifestation. | Impact. |
| 1.0 | Elite Detachment. | Abandonment of rank-and-file members. | Neglect of startups and peasant farmers. |
| 2.0 | Authoritarian Shift. | Election manipulation, opposition crackdowns. | Banning Chadema, abductions of critics. |
| 3.0 | Economic Misprioritization | Trillions for elite perks over public goods. | Neglect of startups, peasant farmers. |
💡 5. Path Forward: Restoring Mass Participation.
– Grassroots Primaries:
Returning to inclusive primaries could reduce elite bribery by diluting the influence of individual leaders. However, this requires robust anti-corruption mechanisms (e.g., independent oversight).
– Constitutional Reforms:
Reversing the 2010 amendments and clarifying ethics rules for candidates—not voters—is essential to address the actual corruption drivers.
✊ Conclusion.
The “mess” in CCM primaries is a direct result of constitutional amendments that centralised power and ignored corruption among elites. Nchimbi’s ban inadvertently highlights this anomaly but cannot resolve it without systemic change.
Until ordinary members regain influence, CCM will remain “insular, unaccountable, and dependent on coercion” to retain power, deepening Tanzania’s democratic crisis.
Read more analysis by Rutashubanyuma Nestory
